Here is a summary of James Finies’ article in the book: Last of Lust? – 70 years of the Statute of the Netherlands Kingdom: compiled by Rene Zwart and Glenn Thode
The Statute of the Kingdom of Holland, signed in 1954, played a fundamental role in the kitament of Antia Holland for the list of territories without their own governments of Nashonan Uni. This was a strategic move, issued on December 15, 1955, which did not concern the dunes and territories of real autonomy, as was intended, but rather to consolidate Kontrol Hulandes i stop and internal supervision of nan dekolonisashon. Despite claims to achieve full autonomy, the territories, including Bonaire, have not complied with Nashonan Uni’s dekolonisashon standards.
Holland has achieved its goal of kita and Islaan Antiano for the list of Nashonan Uni, pretending that they have achieved autonomy. However, a Hopi member of Nashonan Uni, such as Uruguay, has rejected the supposed proklamashon here, noting that the territories have not yet achieved real autonomy. The countries have the possibility of future dekolonisashon efforts. The Statute, which was designed for a similar frakasa model for Indonesia, became an instrument for Holland to maintain its control, dividing Antianian islands and ensuring unequal political representation, especially by giving disproportionate power to Korsou and Aruba in the Antianian Dutch parliament.
The political maneuver here was part of a larger plan by the Dutch government to repress Karib independence movements. They are key figures in the struggle to decolonize and be silenced by political manipulation, legal akshonan and even murder. They lead Helmin Wiels and Betico Croes to be marginalized or to die in a suspicious manner. While Aruba’s struggle for self-governance culminated in a 1977 referendum, 95% of voters voted in favor of independence, underlining dissatisfaction with the status quo.
The Statute, despite being presented as a direct step towards autonomy, was not a real form of self-determination for the Antianian Islands. Rather, there will be a colonial reform that has allowed Holland to maintain control over its territories, particularly in the form of unequal distribution of political power.
The situation on Bonaire worsened on October 10, 2010, when the island was unilaterally transferred from Antia Holland to a public entity under the control of the Dutch government. Esaki violates Bonaire’s self-determination rights, despite a referendum in 2015 in which the island’s population rejects the change. Hulanda continued with the anekashon, without taking into account the democratic desishon of the people of Bonaire.
James Finies is fighting to determine the urgent re-inscription of Bonaire as a self-governed territory under Nashonan Uni, emphasizing the cultural need for protection and cultural identity and self-determination of the island.
The investigator’s report from Dr. Carlyle Corbin’s Own-Government Department evaluated the 2010 transition, noting that political, economic, and social inequalities continue across the island. The report highlights significant disparities, including fewer political rights and social benefits for Bonerians who live in Holland and Europe. Corbin argues that the governance model imposed on Bonaire reflects colonial practices, disguises itself as democracy, and maintains an unequal and racialized system.
Based on the konklushonans here, the re-registration of Bonaire as a territory without its own governance under the Nashonan Unit will protect and safeguard Bonaire’s cultural identity and self-determination. This underlines the continued struggle for real decolonization and self-determination for Bonaire and other territories in the Dutch Kingdom. Despite the promises of the Statute, the legacy of colonialism continues to impact and impede the possibility of gaining a real direction for freedom and equality.
Bonaire Human Rights Organization